“There are some members who clearly have a track record of opposing Democratic norms,” ​​said panel member Rep. Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.). And I think it’s beautiful. it will be clear if you read [former White House chief of staff] The text messages from Mark Meadows and the January 6th report we’re talking about.

But he was not the only congressional Republican to take consequential action as the Capitol spiraled toward a violent siege by his supporters two years earlier.

Others behaved more subtly by supporting Trump’s baseless claims of election fraud while working to prove them and pushing back against the most extreme impulses of his inner circle. Still more Republicans put up a quiet resistance to Trump’s moves, doing little to publicly signal their disapproval while lobbying to stop the damage.

“There were strong supporters for coup-type activity, and there were ambiguities, and there were people who wanted to be all things to all people,” Representative Jamie Raskin (D-MD) said in a roll call to his GOP colleagues. investigation.

The committee’s review of witness transcripts, as well as the vast records — ranging from White House call and visitor logs to private text messages to emails from Trump aides — tell a more complete story of some GOP lawmakers’ role.


Members of the Freedom Caucus were told by select panel witnesses to be in regular contact with Trump and his allies from the time Joe Biden appeared on track to win the 2020 election. Trump himself has told Justice Department aides that he views those Republicans as vital to his effort to stay in power.

,[J]We must say that the election was corrupt + rest on me and R.K. Leave it to Congressmen,” Trump said in a meeting with top DOJ officials in late December 2020, according to notes from Deputy Attorney General Richard Donoghue.

Two Freedom Caucus members and McCarthy critics stand out among their colleagues for their proactive efforts to support Trump’s efforts: Perry and Gosar. Witnesses described Gosar as one of the most versatile players.

Ali Alexander, leader of the pro-Trump “Stop the Steal” effort, puts Gosar among a small group of members who can relay updates after talking to Trump. He also said that Gosar supported his push for the January 6 Washington protest.

Other witnesses said Gosar was a member of a Twitter direct message thread that helped organize Trump’s January 6 rally and related events.

In an interview with rally planner Alex Brusewitz – who refused to answer most questions and fifth – select committee investigators stated that Bruswitz texted Gosar on the morning of January 6 asking “Paul, did you coordinate with the other members?” Gosar replied, “As best as possible.”

At 5:15 p.m., as lawmakers took shelter from the riot, Gosar relayed a message to the “Stop the Stealing” group: “We’re still locked in the Congress office.”

Chris Hodgson, aide to former Vice President Mike Pence, told the panel Gosar texted him several times between December 20, 2020, and January 5, 2021, with alleged evidence of fraud, which he described as “contextual”.

“It looks like Congressman Gosar sent you something called Kill Chain: Cyber ​​Warfare on America’s Elections … The website is somebitcholdme.com,” an unnamed committee investigator told Hodgson, according to the transcript. “Would you be comfortable sharing with the Vice President what you learned from a website called somebichtoldme.com?”

“No,” Hodgson replied.

Perry was a frequent presence in January East. 6 plan. In text messages the select committee received from Meadows, Perry advanced fringe theories about European efforts to steal the 2020 election from Trump.

Perry helped engineer a nearly successful bid to install Jeffrey Clark — whom Trump sees as an ally in his pressure campaign aimed at getting Republican-controlled state legislatures to appoint Trump-supporting electors — Was on top of the DOJ. Visitor logs released by the select committee show a meeting with Perry and Clark at the White House residence on January 3, 2021.

Call log from Jan 3, 2021 Point out that Trump spoke briefly with Perry that afternoon before speaking by phone with “Acting Attorney General Jeffrey Clark”. The threat of mass resignations of top DOJ officials prompted Trump to abandon his plans for Clark.

Spokespeople for Perry and Gosar did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Other GOP lawmakers helped encourage Trump’s efforts publicly and privately. Rep. Louie Gohmert (R-Texas) led a lawsuit against Pence meant to force his hand and announce whether he would attempt to stop the transition of power on Jan. 6.

new found Emails between top Trump lawyers Show lawyers worried about filing a lawsuit in the capital, as judges there were likely to summarily throw it out. Gohmert instead filed suit in Texas.


The select committee report spends little time on the role of Senate Republicans while Trump was mounting his bid for power. But the evidence shows two in particular – censors. Mike Lee of Utah and Lindsey Graham of South Carolina — sought to thread the needle between tolerating claims of fraud and pushing back.

Lee also talks extensively with Cleta Mitchell, a lawyer who helped the Trump campaign challenge the election results in Georgia. in December 7, 2020 Text Exchange, Mitchell suggested that the Senate was the “court of last resort” for challenges to Biden’s electorate. Lee responded that such challenges only work if alternative voters are available.

“It just seems like the sweet spot to include my partners,” Lee said.

A week before January 6, Lee had another lengthy conversation with Mitchell, who pressured him to persuade his aides to hold a hearing on alleged election irregularities. But Lee had moved swiftly against the notion of using 6 January as a backstop to challenge the election.

“January 6th, however, is a dangerous idea. Not only for the Republic, but also for the President,” Lee said.

Lee’s spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Graham did not hold any hearings, but he likewise spent the week before January 6 pushing Trump’s claims of election fraud, while privately soliciting aides to the then-president for any evidence that fraud had occurred. .

He also spoke twice with Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger amid the state’s recount, the calls also being investigated by prosecutors in Fulton County, Ga. Raffensperger told the select committee that Graham suggested using alternative methods of matching signatures on mail-in ballots, Raffensperger said. made her uncomfortable,

Graham has publicly opposed Raffensperger’s characterization.


A handful of GOP lawmakers tacitly accepted Trump’s actions. Few, if any, resisted it outright – a hallmark of the Trump era – but instead attempted to embrace Trump’s more sober-minded advisers and undercut the destabilizing effort of their own allies. did.

Prominent among those Republicans was Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, whom Pence allies described as quietly active in pressuring GOP allies to refrain from challenging the Jan. 6 election results. his ballot on December 14, 2020, but evidence to the Select Committee portrays his work as more solid than has been publicly described.

Other Senate Republicans were among those who tried to convince then-President Trump to call off the rioters after they breached the Capitol. Ivanka Trump described the phone calls and texts she had with Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) that day.

Collins texted Ivanka Trump on January 6 at 3:37 p.m., “The President needs to put out a very strong tweet telling people to go home and stop the violence now.”

Collins called her again that evening as well, she recalled, along with Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska).

The two “were at Senator Murkowski’s apartment and were quite shaken by the day’s events,” Ivanka Trump recalled, adding that there was a “bottle of wine” involved.

Murkowski’s spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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