The mystery is why other Republicans – especially their own allies – would go along with it.

Before the latest round of overnight talks, McCarthy was at risk of violating principles of power that operate in any arena where people jostle for influence and recognition – from school playgrounds to the world’s to the capitals. McCarthy notices that there is more to be gained from being his enemy than his ally.

The reports of the latest maneuvers put it in a vivid light. The POLITICO story described the bargain as a “ray of hope” for McCarthy. However, the details are as hopeful as a man dying of thirst might find a pitcher of salt water.

McCarthy is ready to drink.

First, he agreed with House rules that would allow five members to push a “motion to vacate,” regardless of whether the speaker is to be ousted. Going below this was allegedly a “red line”. Now, a new deal would allow just one person to be forced to perform a new one and McCarthy’s advocates say there really is no practical difference between one and five.

Red line? What we wanted to say was really, you know, not so much red as magenta. Rape. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), a McCarthy supporter, He said leaving the office of the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly on Thursday morning The latest steps should not be considered “concessions” but “clarifications”. He added that he was confident that his fellow GOP supporters would not “abuse” the vacation offer.

Members of the Freedom Caucus, with which McCarthy opponents are closely aligned, will also be guaranteed two spots on the powerful House Rules Committee – amid indications that McCarthy may surrender the speaker’s historic power to decide who that which persons get the seats.

Opponents are also using their leverage to push for major changes in the appropriations process. Standalone votes on each of the 12 annual appropriations bills – a key priority for fiscal conservatives who eliminate large “omnibus” spending packages – are considered under an “open rule” that bars any legislator from offering a floor amendment. allows.

Notably, according to Bade’s reporting in the Politico Playbook, “McCarthy’s camp also hopes that he may eventually have to support [his opponent’s preferred choices] For committee gavels like Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), who is pushing to lead the Health and Human Services subcommittee on appropriations, or Rep. Mark Green (R-Tenn.), who leads the Committee on Homeland ready to do. security.”

If you’re anyone other than Harris or Green and were hoping to wield that gavel someday, and have been a staunch McCarthy supporter, how do you feel about that preceding sentence? As a practical matter, McCarthy is asking his own supporters to be as dismissive of him as he is of his opponents.

McCarthy may feel he has no choice, but what is striking about the modern House is that many others also feel that the range of his options is so narrow. The previous generation of MPs would have had many other powerful actors – experienced committee chairmen and appropriators and the like – with an independent base of power. there is little chance that they would have been okay with giving weak figures to take Speakership or simply leave it to McCarthy himself to decide how long he wants to let this week’s drama go on.

There were some signs of backlash. Dispatch reported He is reining in Rep. Robert Alderholt, a veteran GOP appropriator from Alabama and McCarthy backer, the latest reports said. Adding some people to committees is one thing, but “as far as leaving out the seniority of people … I think we’ve gone too far.”

The nature of McCarthy’s defense is also notable. Just as he didn’t choose to let the Republican campaign fall last on an idea platform like Newt Gingrich’s “Contract for America” ​​in 1994 — he hasn’t actually fought with his opponents on the idea front. He has urged them to toe the line for party unity, and on the grounds that Republicans should be firing on President Joe Biden instead of each other.

But he hasn’t yet given a convincing argument like: My values ​​and decisions about governance are better, and more in line with the mood of the country and the GOP mainstream, than my grandiose opponents like Matt Gaetz or Lauren Boebert.

He may appropriately ask: How on earth would anything help? One answer is that it will at least claim a higher base for his candidature than what he has tried so far – the transactional manoeuvre, now turning to rank appeasement. This is especially true because the latter approach has not yet worked, and – with many opponents saying they are tough no matter what McCarthy puts forward – there is only slight reason to believe that It will start working.

For now, McCarthy has consigned herself to a position where she may face something worse than losing the speakership: winning it under such circumstances.



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